I would ask Ms. Trivellato to contrast treatment of Jewish communities with that of the Roma.

I do not understand us/them conflicts like the one in the Ukraine. What disturbs me is that antisemitism often is turned on the poorest and unfortunate and not the rich.

最令人不安的是，尽管邪恶，以色列仍打算将飞马卖给普京的俄罗斯。

有很多选择我都不明白。最近我一直与朋友保持亲密，与敌人保持距离。那些与魔鬼交易的人正在造成严重破坏。反犹主义可能触及了根源。现在拔除杂草已经太迟了。

Jealousy is an evil and insidious thing. As a young person, my memories of comments/criticisms of Jews always seemed to be perjorative. People of my parent's and grandparent's generations far more often made caustic remarks. Jews were shrewd business people. They would cheat you, any way they could. So, it was a not a far stretch to conclude no Jewish person could be trusted Generational ethnic condemnation. This sort of thing continues now, across a broad range of issues. We call it culture war.
Anyhow, Nietzsche may have said it best---if it was he who said it: whatever does not kill you makes you stronger. A good rule of thumb for any oppressed people.

在讨论新的反犹太主义时，将其与最近的两个反犹太主义区分开来似乎很重要。第一种是人为生成的版本，旨在转移对以色列及其与美国的关系负有责任的行动和政策的批评。例如，这种情况发生在以国家生存为理由的国际法例外情况下，因此以犹太民族主义的方式断言，对其的反对因此可以被称为反犹主义，通过这种联系，将对国际法的支持翻译成译者对各自人口的冒犯。

The second anti-Semitism is the one which makes the same arbitrary association but on the other side of it. On the receiving end of respective state conduct, deflecting demands for critique of conduct is not the target, but rather the claim of association as generalized to the offending object as associated with the extra-national population in whose name the state behaves.

如果把上述两种反犹太主义放在一边，剩下的就是目前西方工业化国家的反犹太主义，在我看来，这在很大程度上是2008年11月发生的经济危机的结果。在这种关系中，它不能被准确地视为两个独立群体之间的关系，一个是行动者，另一个是病人。这是正确的，因为在一个特定的社会中，制度形式明显地比相关的文化繁荣以更根本的方式共享;由于这些制度形式属于社会制度，如果不是根据定义，它们是可选择的事项。这里我想说的是，我们可以在两组选择之间的区别中找到更根本的因果决定，而不是在两个或两个以上的文化群体之间。作为一种凌驾于另一种实际效率之上的手段，反犹主义作为一种将经济剥削归咎于不负责任的一方的工具，出现在为参与这种剥削而进行集体道歉的服务中。因此，反犹太主义作为一种传统意义不大。它的遗传功能在于躺在演员的工具箱里，作为一种参与-道歉。(这里避免了“替罪羊”这个词，因为它指的是动物祭祀会混淆这个问题)。更重要的是使用这一工具的条件，这与我们金融体系的主流因素有关。 Perhaps it might be of some assistance, then, to review some elements of the '08 crash and the government's response, commonly referred to in terms of a crisis in the derivatives-market and a "bank-bailout". A derivative is a secondary form of tradable security derived from a primary one. As a condition for a loan, for example, the recipient agrees to buy something from the lender, say a bag of apples, at a later date. The lender needs insurance against default, so at least she or he will sell a bag of apples out to the deal before the lender loses the principle or, extended more generally, files for bankruptcy. The role played by a derivative in this example is as an insurance contract, but where such contracts can be bundled together and traded as a single package, the need for oversite by an impartial party to prevent fraud becomes evident. The crash of the housing market in November illustrated the system's unregulated character by showing how repayment of loans became irrelevant once their contracts had been included in a package of securities which is sold by the firm which wrote them. The top incentive was to lend out as much as possible, knowing that most wouldn't be payed back so that the insurance contracts against loan default can be drawn upon. This had the effect that any asset still liquid was drained out of the economy, so that a multinational version of a run on the banks ensued.

原来的借款人在各方面都被骗得贷不起款。这一事实加上对大型投资银行不受欢迎的资本重组，而不是对它们和整个银行业进行更为理性的国有化，产生了当前形式的反犹主义(具有其他形式所不具有的鲜明特征，例如经常提及所谓的“边境安全”)的条件，不仅被部署为主流经济体系中掠夺性金融要素的典型功能的可插入的辩词，而且作为各自反社会潜力的护理，它已经行使了更明显和极端的元素。在这里，典型的反犹比喻作为一种传承下来的遗产，可以很容易地适用于政府的反应和继续类似的财务行为的准确描述。善意的借款人被骗进了一笔糟糕的交易，因为他/她无法理解合同的条款，所以TARP计划(问题资产救助计划)看起来像是对掠夺者的奖赏和对受难者的漠视。只有在把实际的制度性行为与遗传的恐惧和偏见联系起来时，后者才会发挥任何明显的作用。与此相反，最主要的是它符合这样一种叙述的方式，即这种观点的承载可以被认为是一种个人免于卷入反社会行为的赦免，而反社会行为现在实际上可以被附加到另一个恰当的载体上，有效地理解一个人自己的参与和可选的参与。

反犹主义问题与以色列的国家行为有关，包括人为地在内部产生以转移对其的任何批评，以及武断地在外部扩大以包括那些不负责任的人，可以像上面所说的那样，被安全地放在一边，用于话题目的，因为它是由一系列不同的原因决定的，与殖民扩张有关，而不是经济上的不法行为。你提到最近在布法罗发生的事件是反犹太主义的结果(可能还有其他一些事情)，而不是反犹太主义的原因。类似的关系是，对宣传品的引用只是修辞工具箱中的工具，在有人拿起并开始使用它之前，它没有决定性的能力。试图用至上主义者宣称的民族主义渴望来混淆这个问题是真正无用的，因为它具有任何决定性的价值，除了这样一个事实:它的狂热和暴力潜力可以在政治竞赛中被一方或另一方所青睐，甚至可能被不受欢迎的政府作为反对民众意愿的防御手段。但说这是当代反犹太主义的一个原因，并没有什么可辩护的。另一种说法是，你提到的“国会山游行”(我猜是指2021年1月6日)“不是一种不合理的推论”，这是令人费解的。如果你想说未遂政变是反犹太主义的原因，只是因为反犹分子参与其中，那么这就像有人说，因为在建筑项目中使用了一把锤子，这就是建筑师起草蓝图的原因一样荒谬。

相反，我认为当代反犹太主义的原因是08年危机导致的历史性衰退，以及国家对经济复苏的管理方式。由于历史对象是复杂的，其原因无法孤立，也无法用实验方法来检验。因此，想象必须帮助知性，因为知性的对象是被想象成相信是真实的或曾经存在过的东西，所以在历史科学的范围内，这种特殊的帮助可以被称为"历史的"想象。它所属于的特殊领域是趋势选择。历史想象不仅是实际发生的事情的原因，而且是确定没有发生但可能发生的事情的原因的工具。只有当我们确定了后者的原因，我们才能确定前者的原因。

The most salient characteristic of response within the economics-intelligentsia to the crash was bafflement, whether genuine or pretended. While many in the economics establishment claimed to not understand how things went wrong, many who "acted in good faith" were adversely effected. The psychology is hard to miss, and is written of by Professor Trivellato as part of the ambiguous relationship which European commerce has with credit (cf. "The Rumor About the Jews", January 8, 2020), so that in both pre-industrial finance and industrial capitalism a destructive demon must be found to account for the negative consequences with rarely detectable causes of a system upon which major sectors of society had become dependent or addicted.

The causes of the current form, understood as a complex object, are, as stated above, three in number. One is availability for use as a demonization-tool, as handed down by cultural history. A second is the openness of its common or frequent reception; and the third is the most fundamental, and underlies the other two: the cause of the conditions which open the arms of reception to the use of its traditional form. As this cause is the '08 crisis and how its problems were solved by those in government, it becomes important to understand what it is.

这一事件始于2008年9月两大金融公司——雷曼兄弟和美国国际集团——的倒闭。他们的问题是其他投资银行也在做的事情:“过度杠杆化”，借的钱实际上是银行在任何时候拥有的。“杠杆”是一个经济学术语，指的是借入的资金与出借人拥有的资金的比例。通过过度出售贷款在房地产市场上发生，它打开了一扇门(在花旗公司和旅行者公司的非法合并，即花旗集团，在第二年合法化后(参见1999年的《格拉汉姆-里奇-比利利法案》)，并推翻了新政中的格拉斯-斯蒂格尔法案，该法案规定商业银行的存款不能被投资银行用于投机)，让投资银行相互借贷，利用借款人持有的贷款衍生品作为自己违约偿还的保险。其结果是，低级交易的债务功能变得无关紧要，因为它被贷款合同的衍生功能所覆盖。由于后者被打包出售给其他银行，它们对投机者的唯一服务就是无法得到偿还。由于这样的系统是不可持续的(因为流动资产有限)，被称为“信用违约掉期”的贷款合约衍生品会失去所有的交换价值，或者变成“垃圾债券”。

重申:目前形式的反犹太主义的主要原因是其受到一种鼓励欺诈和经济诚信是一种责任的经济制度管理的制约。很大程度上是因为投资银行的资本重组(“大到不能倒”的政策，在投资银行破产的税基中构成政府的保险政策)，一种无法隐藏的阴险的表象产生了，这导致了教育和大众思维的需要，即如何适应一个人对系统运作方式的厌恶，以自愿参与它。作为一种自我道歉的工具，一个恶魔和另一个恶魔是一样的，而所谓的犹太人协会，包括“谣言”(特里维拉托教授的术语)，中世纪犹太人发明了交换信和海上保险，有效地发挥了这一目的。

Any possible solution to the problem must therefore come from an accurate understanding of its fundamental causes. As these latter are argued here to belong to the relatively unregulated and speculative character of our economic system which favors wealth-concentration in the private investment banking sector, the most rational suggestion which is ready to hand is to nationalize the banking sector and open its books to public accountants. To remedy the conditions which furnish the receptacle to its symptoms is the first step in alleviating the source of the problem.

First a few issues with the paraphrase in the first paragraph. Nothing justifies anti-Semitism (cf. second sentence) and no such claim is made. My argument is that it's a tool of self-apology used to psychologically readjust one's self to voluntary participation in a system which is known to be duplicitous or destructive. It's one of the ways in which people can function within a kleptocracy without regarding themselves as thieves. Another drastically inaccurate interpretation is the notion that I'm arguing that the government encourages financial fraud. Ignoring something amounts to encouragement only where one doesn't pretend that it's not there. To the contrary, a deregulated derivatives-market was sold by investment banking as a way to make markets safer by increasing speculation-capability. In May of 1998, for example, the Chairperson of the Futures Trading Commission which oversees the derivatives market, Brooksley Borne, drew up a proposal for its regulation which Larry Summers (Secretary of the Treasury '99-'01) and Alan Greenspan (Chairman of the Federal Reserve) pressured Clinton (U.S. President at the time) to override. Unlike fraud-encouragement, the regulatory agency was overridden to preserve speculative capacity which, when bundled appropriately, would theoretically be to shareholder benefit and subsequent general economic stimulus. In December of 2000, the Commodities Futures Modernization Act was passed by Congress (H.R. 5660) which prohibited any future regulation by the Commission.

Another inaccuracy involves the connection you draw between the story about Jews having invented bills of exchange and the '08 housing bubble. Although to my mind a connection can be made, it's associative, not modular. Where financial success within the context of a state capitalist system is understood as a virtue, the fraudulent malfeasance of the banking sector in its institutional behaviors, by which the bubble was generated, had to be associated with a non-virtuous party, more than with the benefactors of its systemic functioning.

然而，最不准确的解释是，提出银行国有化的建议是为了符合对某一特定金融系统经常使用的“恢复秩序”一词。它的布局是否整齐或凌乱，并不影响投资者不被抢劫的权利和借款人不被欺骗的权利。国有化的一个好处是，通过让银行部门的会计账簿成为公开记录，这些权利将得到保护。由于受到公共会计师的监督，投机在金融体系中的作用可以得到充分监管。与此无关的是，这是由现任政府还是未来政府或前任政府完成的，(假设政府和国家之间的区别，国家是机构形式，政府是由谁在一个时间为其办公室配备人员，并被视为一个群体)。只有它的选择是相关的，因为在这种情况下，国有化的官方选择是推荐的。

The comparison in the second paragraph between designs to overthrow the government and nationalize the banks is not accurate. One doesn't need to take over the state merely in order to deploy its power of the audit. And whatever similarity criminal actions which are based on anti-Semitic or other racist beliefs have with one another is not pertinent to their assessment as effects of shared historical causes, but rather to their otherwise accurate description as topical causes of other effects, as for example inspiring another to commit a similar crime.

我不太清楚你在第六段说的是谁，但听起来有点像普罗提诺斯。尽管如此，你对她或他的批评提出了我们对世界的认识和世界真实存在方式之间的区别。的确，正因为前者在某些情况下不理解后者，前者并没有被否定，而是被确定为规定性的现象学分析，而不是对应的描述性充分性。

The seventh paragraph runs into the same problem as the second. The fact that the actions which constitute a crime wave share similar motivations is quite natural and supports my thesis on account of the fact that explanations which resemble each other are used by the agents of these actions, in the interpretation of the historical conditions which are the more fundamental causes of their behaviors.

The ninth paragraph begins with an incredulous paraphrase whose source I can not detect in review of the monograph. It states as attributed to me a claim that economic crisis is a "sign" of contemporary anti-Semitism. It's not a sign, but a cause. And you're also mistaken that I haven't included anti-Semitic perpetrators in my analysis. They are included as symptoms of a larger phenomenon of sociological degradation whose historical causes are rooted in an implacable disfunction of speculative economic structures. And as these structures are not products of nature but of individual choices, voluntary involvement in their functioning implies some responsibility for any aggregate adverse effects. Its the latent knowledge of this responsibility which sets off the search for a demon by those who in spite of the destructive character of their institutional commitments still want to think of themselves as ethical people. The demon functions to absorb the system's negative effects away from the responsibility of its participants. In terms of the relation of effects to their causes, the attacks against its symbols are the topical effects of its prior creation.

Also, I'd like to make it clear that I reject the use of the term "white nationalism" to refer to a North American phenomenon. The reason for this is that it suggests being paired with black nationalism, which is a mistake. While the latter refers to a movement of liberation, the former refers to one of supremacy.

不是靠我的灯。“白人民族主义”一词的使用及其所指的概念或概念需要进一步澄清。此外，应该强调的是，虽然不能过分估计近年来白人至上主义的增长和严重程度，但也可以低估其与经济条件的关系，这些条件提供了一些人所称的反犹意识形态核心作为一种组织手段。反犹太主义的种族谴责足以作为解释社会危机的一个因素，这些社会危机的基础很少不是由经济危机或生活资料的物质分配危机所造成的。当流行的机构被摧毁时，无论是可证实的还是虚幻的(如1990年代的“圣诞之战”)，在社交背景下的抓魔实践达到了统计上的高度，它的组织能力由此被释放。在这种情况下，独特的是该工具的使用与危机出现的背景之间的关系，危机的使用是对危机的反应。背景是由历史上以奴隶为基础的经济构成的，它与原始殖民地的功能密不可分，并形成了北美工业革命的经济基础，其中最大的一部分是以棉花为基础的。另一方面，这种工具随着欧洲大陆投机金融的出现而发展，因为有“传闻”(参见Trivellato)说犹太人创造了一种更神秘的工具。反黑人种族主义的早期形式恰恰相反，它是为跨大西洋奴隶贸易辩护的辩词，因此有助于维护肇事者的道德自我形象。*

“白人民族主义”这个名字是一个不幸的名字，因为它意味着与其他民族主义运动的比较，这些运动的设计是为了从压迫中解放(如黑人民族主义、拉科塔民族主义、波多黎各独立等)。如果使用，它可以强化这种比较的真实性，从而起到白人至上主义宣传的作用，也就是说，白人种族受到压迫。此外，它没有区分当前由上一任总统协助的极端主义运动和最初的白人新教民族主义在国家成立之初的宪法大会上盛行，或者从此以后都是如此。从这个意义上说，“白人民族主义”并不是指一场运动，而是指一种现状。

In addition to the role played by anti-Semitism in the ideology of white supremacy, then, it also makes sense to mention a way in which the phenomenon of white supremacy can be misapplied in any interpretation which makes it a cause of the instrument employed to generate what some describe as its "theoretical core". For that would discount its own sources in European cultural and economic history. One could almost say that the role played by anti-Semitism in white supremacist ideology is similar to that played by white-supremacist ideology in economic-malfeasance-apology: as an explanatory one for organizational purposes-- for the one as white supremacist in context of nationalist aspiration which uses the instrument, and for the other in institutional financial consolidation in the hands of the wealthiest speculators, generating its current available form.
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* Although anti-Jewishness appears in the ancient Mediterranean, appearing e.g. in Cicero (cf. pro Flacco) and Tacitus, it lacks association with finance; and the slave-economy depended on a regional criterion for inclusion in its labor-force, not a racial one.